Chapter 8: Of the Pope's Spiritual Jurisdiction; and How Little Footing It Had Gotten at First Within These Parts

Of the Popes spirituall Iurisdiction; and how little footing it had gotten at first within these parts.

Master Campion tells us; that when Ireland first received Christendome, they gave themselves into the Iurisdiction both spirituall and temporall of the See of Rome. But herein he speaketh without booke; of the spirituall jurisdiction untruly, of the temporall absurdly. For from the first legation of Palladius and Patricius, who were sent to plant the faith in this country, it cannot bee shewed out of any monument of antiquity, that the Bishop of Rome did ever send any of his Legats to exercise spirituall jurisdiction here (much lesse any of his Deputies to exercise jurisdiction temporall) before Gillebertus, quem aiunt primâ functum legatione Apostolicae sedis per universam Hiberniam; says one that lived in his own time, even Bernard himselfe in the life of Malachias. One or two instances peradventure may be alledged out of some obscure authors, whose names, and times, and authority no man can tell us newes of: but unlesse that which is delivered by Bernard, as the tradition that was current in his time, can bee controlled by some record that may appeare to have beene written before his dayes; we have small reason to detract any thing from the credit of so cleere a testimony.

This country was heretofore, for the number of holy men that lived in it, termed the Iland of Saints: of that innumerable company of Saints, whose memory was reverenced here; what one received any solemne canonization from the Pope, before Malachias Archbishop of Armagh, & Laurence of Dublin? Who lived, as it were, but the other day. We reade of sundry Archbishops that have beene in this land: between the dayes of Saint Patrick and of Malachias, what one of them can be named, that ever sought for a Pall from Rome? Ioceline indeed a late Monke of the Abbey of Furnesse, writeth of Saint Patrick; that the Bishop of Rome conferred the Pall upon him, together with the execution of legatine power in his roome. But he is well knowne to be a most fabulous author: and for this particular, Bernard (who was his ancient) informeth us farre otherwise; that from the very beginning untill his time, the metropoliticall See of Armagh wanted the use of the Pall. With whom the author of the Annales of Mailros does fully accord; noting that in the yeere 1151. Pope Eugenius (the same to whom Bernard did write his bookes de Consideratione) did by his Legate Iohn Papiron transmit foure Pals into Ireland; whither a Pall before had never beene brought. And therefore Giraldus Cambrensis, however he acknowledgeth that Saint Patrick did choose Armagh for his seate, and did appoint it to be as it were a metropoliticall See, and the proper place of the primacie of all Ireland; yet does hee affirme withall, that in very deed there were no Archbishops in Ireland, but that Bishops only did consecrate one another, untill Iohannes Papirio (or Paparo) the Popes Legate brought foure Pals there. Whereupon some of our Chroniclers after him, give this note concerning Gelasius, who was at that time Archbishop of Armagh; that hee is said to have beene the first Archbishop, because hee used the first Pall: and that others before him were called Archbishops and Primates in name only; for the reverence of Saint Patrick, as the Apostle of that Nation.

And indeed it might seeme, that the complaint made by Anselme in his letters to Muriar dach King of Ireland, that Bishops here were consecrated by Bishops alone, might somewhat justifie the truth of Giraldus his relation; if we did not find a further complaint there also, that they were often ordained by one Bishop onely. But as this latter argueth, not the want of a competent number of Bishops in the land (for, as we shall heare presently, they had more than a sufficient number of such) but a neglect of the observance of the Canon provided by the Nicence Fathers in that behalfe: so can it not rightly bee inferred out of the former, that wee had no Archbishops here at that time, but that the Bishops rather did faile much in the Canonicall respect which they ought to shew to their Metropolitane. For that the Irish had their Archbishops (beside many other pregnant testimonies that might bee produced) Pope Hildebrands owne Briefe does sufficiently manifest; which is directed to Terdeluachus (or Tirlagh) the illustrious King of Ireland, the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Nobles, and all Christians inhabiting Ireland. And for the Archbishops of Armagh in particular; it appeareth most evidently by Bernard in the life of Malachias, that they were so far from being Metropolitans and Primates in name onely; that they exercised much greater authority before they were put to the charges of fetching Pals from Rome, then ever they did afterward: and that they did not onely consecrate Bishops, but erected also new Bishopricks, and Archbishopricks too sometimes, according as they thought fitting.

We reade in Nennius, that at the beginning Saint Patrick founded here 365. Churches, and ordained 365. Bishops, beside 3000. Presbyters. In processe of time the number of Bishops was daily multiplyed according to the pleasure of the Metropolitan, (whereof Bernard does much complaine) and that, not onely so farre, that every Church almost had a severall Bishop: but also that in some Townes or Cities there were ordained more than one; yea and oftentimes Bishops were made without any certaine place at all assigned to them. And as for the erecting of new Archbishoprickes: if we beleeve our Legends, King Engus and Saint Patrick, with all the people, did ordaine, that in the City and See of Albeus (which is Emelye, now annexed to Cashell) should be the Archbishoprick of the whole Province of Mounster. In like manner also, Brandubh King of the Lagenians, with the consent as well of the Laity as of the Clergie, did appoint that in the Citie of Fernes (which was the See of Moedog, otherwise called Edanus) should bee the Archbishopricke of all the Province of Leinster. But Bernards testimony, wee have no reason not to beleeve, relating what was knowne to be done in his owne very time: that Celsus the Archbishop of Armagh, had of the new constituted another Metropoliticall See, but subiect to the first See, and to the Archbishop thereof. By which wee may see that in the erection of new Archbishopricks and Bishopricks, all things were here done at home, without consulting with the See of Rome for the matter.

As for the nomination and confirmation of the Archbishops and Bishops themselves: we find the manner of advancing Saint Livinus to his Archbishoprick thus laid down by Boniface in the description of his life. When Menalchus the Archbishop was dead, Calomagnus the King of Scots, and the troop of his Officers with the under-courtiers, and the concourse of all that country, with the same affection of heart cried out, that the holy Priest Livinus was most worthily to be advanced to the honor of this order. The King (more devout than all of them) consenting thereunto, three or four times placed the blessed man in the chair of the Archbishoprick with due honor, according to the will of the Lord. In like manner also did King Ecgfrid cause our Cuthbert to be ordained Bishop of the Church of Landisfarne; and King Pipin granted the Bishoprick of Salzburg to our Virgilius: and Duke Gunzo would have conferred the Bishoprick of Constance upon our Gallus; but that he refused it, and caused another upon his recommendation to be preferred thereunto.

In the book of Landaffe, which is called Tilo (either from Teliau the second Bishop of that place, whose life is largely there described; or rather from the place itself, which of old was called Telio) we read that Germanus and Lupus did consecrate chief Doctor over all the Britons inhabiting the right side of Britanie, Saint Dubricius, being chosen Archbishop by the King and all the Diocese: and that by the grant of Mouric the King, the nobility, clergy, and people, they appointed his Episcopal See to be at Landaff. That Oudoceus, the third Bishop after him, being elected by King Mouric, and the chief of the clergy and laity of the whole Diocese, was by them sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury for his consecration. That Gucaunus (the 26th Bishop of that Church) was consecrated by Dunstan Archbishop of Canterbury; the pastoral staff being given him in the Court by Edgar chief King of the English. That next after him, in the year 983, election being made by the Kings and the whole clergy and people of Glamorgan, and the pastoral staff given in the Court by Ethelred chief King of the English, Bledri was consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury, who is there named Albricus (though in truth, at the year here assigned, Dunstan did still hold the place). And that after his decease in the year 1022, by the election of the people and clergy of Landaff and the Kings of the Britons (namely King Riderch that reigned at that time through all Wales, and Hivel the substitute of the King of Glamorgan) Ioseph was consecrated Bishop by Aelnod Archbishop of Canterbury, at the word of Cnut King of England, in whose Court the pastoral staff was given to him.

Here in Ireland much after the same manner, Mr. Campion himself sets down, that to the Monarch was granted a negative in the nomination of Bishops at every vocation: the clergy and laity of the Diocese recommending him to their King, the King to the Monarch, the Monarch to the Archbishop of Canterbury. Although this last clause be wrongly extended by him to the Bishops of the whole land, which properly belonged to the Ostmann strangers, that possessed the three cities of Dublin, Waterford, and Limrick. For these being a colony of the Norwegians and Livonians, and so countrymen to the Normans, when they had seen England subdued by the Conqueror, and Normans advanced to the chief Archbishoprick there; would needs now assume to themselves the name of Normans also, and cause their Bishops to receive their consecration from no other metropolitan but the Archbishop of Canterbury. And forasmuch as they were confined within the walls of their own cities: the Bishops which they made had no other diocese to exercise their jurisdiction in, but only the bare circuit of those cities. Whereupon we find a Certificate made to Pope Innocent the third in the year 1216, by the Archbishop of Tuam and his suffragans; that Iohn Papiron the Legate of the Church of Rome coming into Ireland, found that Dublin indeed had a Bishop, but such a one as did exercise his Episcopal office within the walls only.

The first Bishop which they had in Dublin (as it appears by the Records of that Church) was one Donatus, or Dunanus, as others call him: upon whose death, in the year 1074, Gothric their King, with the consent of the clergy and people of Dublin, chose one Patrick for their Bishop, and directed him into England to be consecrated by Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury: who sent him back with commendatory letters as well to the said Gothric King of the Ostmans, as to Terdeluacus the chief King or Monarch of the Irish. Hereupon, after the decease of this Patrick, in the year 1085, the same Terdeluacus and the Bishops of Ireland joined with the clergy and people of Dublin, in the election of Donatus, one of Lanfranc's own monks in Canterbury: who was by him there also consecrated. Then when he died, in the year 1095, his nephew Samuel, a monk of Saint Albans but born in Ireland, was chosen Bishop in his place by Murierdach King of Ireland, and the clergy and people of the city: by whose common decree he was also sent to Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury for his consecration. Not long after, the Waterfordians, following the example of the Dublinians, erected a Bishoprick among themselves; and sent their new Bishop to Canterbury for his consecration. The manner of whose election the clergy and people of Waterford in the letters which they wrote at that time to Anselme, do thus intimate: "We and our King Murchertach, and Dofnald the Bishop, and Dermeth our Captain the King's brother, have made choice of this Priest Malchus, a monk of Walkeline Bishop of Winchester, the same man, without doubt, who was afterward promoted to the Bishoprick of Lismore; so much commended by Bernard in the life of Malachias."

The last Bishop of Dublin in the year 1122 was sent to Anselme's next successor for his consecration: touching which I have seen this writ of King Henry the first, directed to him: Henricus Rex Anglia, Radulpho Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo, salutem. Mandavit mihi Rex Hiberniae per Breve suum, & Burgenses Dublinae, quòd elegerunt hunc Gregorium in Episcopum, & eum tibi mittunt consecrandum. Vndè tibi mando, ut petitioni eorum satisfaciens, ejus consecrationem sine dilatione expleas. Teste Ranulpho Cancellario apud Windelsor. Henry King of England, to Ralph Archbishop of Canterbury, greeting. The King of Ireland has intimated to me by his writ, and the Burgesses of Dublin, that they have chosen this Gregory for their Bishop, and send him to you to be consecrated. Therefore I wish you, that satisfying their request, you perform his consecration without delay. Witness Ranuph our Chancellor at Windsor. All the Burgesses of Dublin likewise, and the whole assembly of the clergy, directed their joint letters to the Archbishop of Canterbury the same time: wherein among other things they write thus. Know you for verity, that the Bishops of Ireland have great indignation toward us, and that Bishop most of all that dwells at Armagh: because we will not obey their ordination, but will always be under your government. Whereby we may see, that as the Ostmans were desirous to sever themselves from the Irish, and to be esteemed Normans rather: so the Irish Bishops on the other side, however they digested in some sort the recourse which they had to Lanfranc and Anselme (who were two of the most famous men in their times, and with whom they themselves were desirous to hold all good correspondence) yet could they not well brook this continuation of their dependance upon a Metropolitan of another kingdom; which they conceived to be somewhat derogatory to the dignity of their own Primate. But this jealousy continued not long. For this same Gregory being afterwards made Archbishop of Dublin, and the bishoprics here settled by Johannes Paparo: as well they of Dublin, as the others of Waterford and Limerick (for they also had one Patrick consecrated Bishop to them by Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury) did ever after that time cease to have any relation to the See of Canterbury.

And now to go forward: as the Kings and people of this land in those elder times kept the nomination of their Archbishops and Bishops in their own hands, and depended not upon the Pope's provisions that way: so do we not find by any approved record of antiquity, that any visitations of the clergy were held here in the Pope's name; much less that any indulgences were sought for by our people at his hands. For, as for the Charter of Saint Patrick, (by some entitled, De antiquitate Avalonica) wherein Phaganus and Deruvianus are said to have purchased ten or thirty years of indulgences from Pope Eleutherius; and Saint Patrick himself to have procured twelve years in his time from Pope Celestinus: it might easily be demonstrated (if this were a place for it) that it is a mere figment, devised by the monks of Glastonbury. Neither do I well know, what credit is to be given to that straggling sentence, which I find ascribed to the same author. If any questions do arise in this island, let them be referred to the See Apostolic. Or that other decree, attributed to Auxilius, Patricius, Secundinus and Benignus. Whenever any cause that is very difficult, and unknown to all the judges of the Scottish nations, shall arise; it is rightly to be referred to the See of the Archbishop of the Irish (to wit, Patrick) and to the examination of the Prelate thereof. But if there, by him and his wisemen, a cause of this nature cannot easily be made up: we have decreed, it shall be sent to the See Apostolic; that is to say, to the chair of the Apostle Peter, which has the authority of the City of Rome. Only this I will say, that as it is most likely, that Saint Patrick had a special regard to the Church of Rome, from where he was sent for the conversion of this island: so if I myself had lived in his days, for the resolution of a doubtful question I should as willingly have listened to the judgment of the Church of Rome, as to the determination of any Church in the whole world; so reverend an estimation have I of the integrity of that Church, as it stood in those good days. But that Saint Patrick was of opinion, that the Church of Rome was sure ever afterward to continue in that good estate, and that there was a perpetual privilege annexed to that See, that it should never err in judgment, or that the Pope's sentences were always to be held as infallible oracles; that will I never believe: sure I am, that my countrymen after him were of a far other belief; who were so far from submitting themselves in this sort to whatever should proceed from the See of Rome, that they oftentimes stood out against it, when they had little cause so to do. For proof whereof I need to seek no further, than to those very allegations which have been lately urged for maintenance of the supremacy of the Pope and Church of Rome in this country.

First, Mr. Coppinger commeth upon us, with this wise question. Was not Ireland among other Countries absolved from the Pelagian heresie by the Church of Rome, as Cesar Baronius writeth? Then hee setteth downe the copie of Saint Gregory's epistle, in answer to the Irish Bishops that submitted themselves to him. And concludeth in the end, that the Bishops of Ireland being infected with the Pelagian errour, sought absolution first of Pelagius the Pope: but the same was not effectually done, until Saint Gregory did it. But in all this, hee does nothing else but bewray his owne ignorance. For neyther can hee shew it in Cesar Baronius or in any other author whatever, that the Irish Bishops did ever seeke absolution from Pope Pelagius; or that the one had to deale in any businesse at all with the other. Neyther yet can hee shew that ever they had to doe with Saint Gregory in any matter that did concerne the Pelagian heresie. For these bee dreames of Coppingers owne idle head. The epistle of Saint Gregory dealeth onely with the controversie of the three chapters, which were condemned by the fifth generall Councell; whereof Baronius writeth thus. All the Bishops that were in Ireland, with most earnest study, rose up jointly for the defence of the Three Chapters. And when they perceived that the Church of Rome did both receive the condemnation of the Three Chapters, and strengthen the fifth Synod with her consent: they departed from her, and clave to the rest of the schismatickes, that were eyther in Italy, or in Africke, or in other countries, animated with that vaine confidence, that they did stand for the Catholicke faith, while they defended those things that were concluded in the Councell of Chalcedon. And so much the more fixedly (says he) did they cleave to their error, because whatever Italy did suffer by commotions of warre, by famine or pestilence, all these unhappy things they thought did therefore befall to it, because it had undertaken to fight for the fifth Synod against the Councell of Chalcedon.

Thus farre Baronius: out of whose narration this may bee collected, that the Bishops of Ireland did not take all the resolutions of the Church of Rome for undoubted oracles; but when they thought that they had better reason on their sides, they preferred the judgement of other Churches before it. Wherein how peremptory they were, when they wrote to Saint Gregory of the matter; may easily be perceived by these parcels of the answer, which hee returned to their letters. The first entry of your epistle has notified, that you suffer a grievous persecution, which persecution indeed, when it is not sustained for a reasonable cause, does profit nothing to salvation. And therefore it is very unfit, that you should glory of that persecution, as you call it, by which it is certaine you cannot be promoted to everlasting rewards. And whereas you write, that since that time among other provinces Italy has beene most afflicted; you ought not to object that to it as a reproach: because it is written: Whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth, and scourgeth every sonne that he receiveth. Then having spoken of the booke that Pope Pelagius did write of this controversie (which indeed was penned by Gregory himselfe) hee addeth. If after the reading of this booke, you will persist in that deliberation, wherein now you are; without doubt you shew, that you give your selves to bee ruled not by reason, but by obstinacie. By all which you may see, what credit is to be given to the man, who would beare us in hand, that this epistle of Saint Gregory was sent as an answer to the Bishops of Ireland, that did submit themselves to him: whereas (to say nothing of the copies, wherein this epistle is noted to have beene written to the Bishops of Iberiâ, and not, in Hiberniâ) the least argument of any submission does not appeare in any part of that epistle; but the whole course of it does cleerly manifest the flat contrary.

In the next place steppeth forth Osullevan Beare; who in his Catholick history of Ireland, would have us take knowledge of this, that when the Irish Doctors did not agree together upon great questions of faith, or did heare of any new doctrine brought from abroad, they were wont to consult with the Bishop of Rome the oracle of truth. That they consulted with the Bishop of Rome, when difficult questions did arise, wee easily grant: but that they thought they were bound in conscience to stand to his judgement, whatever it should bee, and to entertaine all his resolutions as certaine oracles of truth; is the point that wee would faine see proved. For this hee telleth us, that when questions and disputations did arise here concerning the time of Easter and the Pelagian heresie; the Doctors of Ireland referred the matter to the See Apostolicke. Whereupon, the errour of Pelagius is reported to have found no patron or maintainer in Ireland: and the common course of celebrating Easter was embraced both by the Northren Irish, and by the Picts and Britons, as soon as they understood the rite of the Romane Church. Which (says hee) does not obscurely appeare by the two heads of the Apostolicke letters, related by Bede, lib. 2. cap. 19.

But that those Apostolick letters (as he calleth them) had that successe which hee talketh of, appeareth neither plainly nor obscurely by Bede, or any other authority whatever. The errour of Pelagius, says he, is reported to have found no patron or maintainer in Ireland. But who is he that reporteth so, beside Philip Osullevan? A worthy author to ground a report of antiquity upon: who in relating the matters that fell out in his owne time, discovereth himselfe to bee as egregious a lyar, as any (I verily thinke) that this day breatheth in Christendome. The Apostolicke letters he speaketh of, were written (as before has bin touched) in the yeere of our Lord DCXXXIX. during the vacancie of the Romane See, upon the death of Severinus. Our Countryman Kilianus repayred to Rome 47. yeeres after that, and was ordained Bishop there by Pope Conon in the yeere DCLXXXVI. The reason of his comming there, is thus laid downe by Egilwardus or who ever else was the author of his life. For Ireland had beene of old defiled with the Pelagian heresie, and condemned by the Apostolicall censure, which could not bee loosed but by the Romane judgement. If this be true: then that is false which Osullevan reporteth of the effect of his Apostolicall Epistle, that it did so presently quash the Pelagian heresie, as it durst not once peepe up within this Iland.